Mewar as focus of Guhila State (Part-XI)
Details of the history of external invasions juxtaposed against Guhila inscriptional evidence throw significant light on the political process of state formation in which Samantas contributed to the preservation of the Guhila throne in Mewar. — Prof. Nandini Kapur Sinha
Some other near contemporary sources outside the house of Guhilas also throw light on the history of Samantasimha’s reign. The LuGavasahi Temple Inscription of AD 1230 (record of the Paramâras of Abu) states that Prahladan, younger brother of Paramâra King Dhârâvarca, saved the life of a ruler of Gujarat when he was badly defeated by Samantâ- simha. Since Paramâras of Abu were the subordinate allies of the Caulukyas of Gujarat, they must have joined forces against Guhila King Samantasimhadeva. Ojha identifies Ajayapâla (Kumârapâla’s successor) as the Caulukya contemporary of Guhila Samantasimha. Therefore, Guhila Samantasimha must have defeated Caulukya Ajayapâla in the battlefield. In the fifteenth canto of Surathotsavakâvya composed by Gurjareúvara Purohita, Someúvara (composer of LuGavasahi Inscription) states about one of his ancestors, Kumâra, that he cooled the many wounds of King Ajayapâla caused at RaGakheta. Ojha places the defeat of Caulukya Ajayapâla by Guhila Sâmantasimha around AD 1174. It is obvious from both the LuGavasahi Inscription and Surathotsavakâvya that although SâmantasiAha had inflicted defeat, the Caulukyas soon avenged themselves and Guhila Sâmantasimhadeva was forced to abdicate.
Invasion by the Caulukyas of Gujarat (combined with cliques of their samantas) seem to have been the determining factor in the ouster of Samantasimha in the 1180s. Thus, lineage fission/segmentation during political turmoil in the royal house helped the consolidation of royal power, while opening up Guhila centres of power beyond its immediate frontiers.
However, after the abdication, Sâmantasimha sought his fortunes in Dungarpur locality of Vagod. Ojha places the defeat of SamantasiAha by the Caulukyan forces around AD 1175. Finally, as noted, the Achaleúvara inscription says that in Sâmantasimha’s abdication, the samantas of the Guhila state played an important role by projecting the former’s younger brother, Kumârasimha as their candidate. Kumârasimha seems to have consolidated Guhila power in a period of turmoil with the help of Guhila samantas. Details of the history of external invasions juxtaposed against Guhila inscriptional evidence throw significant light on the political process of state formation in which sâmantas contributed to the preservation of the Guhila throne in Mewar. The above suggestion possibly answers as to why one of the main official records of Mewar of AD 1285 should highlight the samantas in the reign of Samantasimhadeva after hundred years of the actual event (eighth decade of the twelfth century)? Samantas played a decisive role in the politics of Mewar in the latter half of the twelfth century. The Acaleœvara Inscription suggests that some of the samantas-local as well as neighbouring chiefs-had been accommodated but suffered loss of power at the hands of Sämantasimhadeva.
To quote verses 36 and 37 of Acaleœvara Inscription, From him was born the protector of the earth named Sämantasimha ... who took away the possessions (everything) of neighbouring princes (sâmantas). Afterwards, winning (again) Fortune who was embarrassed by her separation from the lineage of Shommãòa (and) who clearly was pining for the Guhila family, Kumârasimha made the earth possessed of a good king, having taken it away again from the possession of the enemy.
The phrase, ... Afterwards winning fortune Kumârasimha made the earth possessed of a good king’, indicates that Kumârasimha addressed himself to the people of Mewar including its chiefs-local and neighbouring. The description also points towards the role played by the samantas in restoring the throne of the Guhilas to Kumârasimha.
In the wake of the Caulukyan invasion, Sâmantasimhadeva is not likely to have received military support from the dissatisfied samantas. Kumârasimha, on the other hand, seems to have mastered the throne of Mewar, restored to its ‘indigenous’ dynasty.
A Guhila-Caulukya clash during Samantasimha’s period is easily. understandable in view of Caulukyan sway over the whole of Mewar in the mid-twelfth century. This is already noted from Kumârapâla’s Chittaurgarh Inscription of AD 1151. Their continued sway over Mewar hills till early thirteenth century is also evident from Ãhada copper plate grants of Caulukya Bhima II of AD 1207. It is also obvious from Virpur Village Inscription of Bhart[pammâbhidhâna Guhila, Am[tapâla that the previous Guhila rulers of Vagod (Bhartrpammâbhidhâna Guhilas) acknowledged their Caulukyan overlords. Thus, Samantasimha could only have a short rule in Vagod as he seems to have been defeated by the Caulukyas between AD 1179 and AD 1185. However, his short rule was succeeded by kings who came to be identified as the Guhilas of Dungarpur.
The above chapter traces the stages of state formation in Mewar on the basis of the process of territorial integration facilitated by the Guhila ruling family of Nagda-Ahada in the period. The Guhilas of Châmsu evidently controlled a small area and functioned as subordinate allies of the Pratihâras of Kanauj. Godwar and Saurashtra Guhilas functioned merely as political components of Nadol Cahamâna and Caulukyan states respectively. In contrast, the Guhila dynasty of Nägda-Ahada success- fully laid the foundation of a state structure in Mewar. The Mewar hills emerged as the locus of a sub-regional state by the tenth century. Political, economic, social and religious processes of state formation are amply borne out by the beginnings of political integration of both Guhila and non-Guhila chiefs into administrative structure and military apparatus. An expanding resource base, advantageous matrimonial alliances, politico-religious symbols and patronage of a locally popular sect appear to have accompanied and facilitated the process. Interestingly, as the state grew by territorial integration and incorporation of Guhila and non- Guhila chiefs, the royal family witnessed fissioning necessary to readjust under pressure in an open-ended polity. Increasing power of the Guhilas is evident from their claim of sovereignty all over Mewar. The acquisition of Chittaurgarh in the mid-thirteenth century and new politico-religious symbols identifying the Guhila dynasty as the sovereign of the whole of Mewar marked the climax of the integrative process of territorial incorporation and transformed the Guhila state of the sub-region of Mewar hills into the regional state of Mewar.
I have already discussed the process of territorial integration and the emergence of a regional state under the Guhila banner in the thirteenth century. However, as mentioned in the introduction, I shall extend my study of state formation in Mewar up to the fifteenth century. The purpose being not to repeat the well-known dynastic history of Mewar but to enquire into the changing political structure, the institution of Guhila kingship, its relation with royal kinsmen, the incorporation of other social groups such as the Jains in the state polity, the political links with the Bhils and social linkages with contemporary Rajput powers between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. As my analysis below will show, findings for the fifteenth century highlight an entirely different political structure than that of the thirteenth century the change being brought about by the political and military problems of the state of Mewar. [to be continued ...]
This article is taken from Nandini Sinha Kapur, ‘State Formation in Rajasthan: Mewar during the seventh—Fifteenth Centuries.’
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