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Budget Reset

By Alok Singh • 15 Feb 2026
Budget Reset

The budget speech is no longer a freebie speech to gather votes. It’s a national budget. It’s a fareless budget. It’s a budget that is not hunting for cheap popularity for the government. — Alok Singh

 

The union budget presented on the first of February 2026 reflects a sustainable path towards advancing in a truly inclusive way. The identity of the union budget has been redefined. The railway budget is already history. These reflect minimum government and maximum governance. The last railway minister who presented the separate rail budget was Sri. Suresh Prabhu in 2016. Recently, Suresh Prabhu drafted the Cooperatives Bill.

The union budget is keenly oriented towards strengthening cooperatives and rural upliftment. This budget didn’t create a buzz for income tax slabs, and no one complained. People have not been complaining for a decade about the discontinuation of the separate railway budget. The perception regarding the union budget itself is changing.

The policymakers intervened and designed measures whenever the occasion demanded, whether that be rationalizing the goods and services tax (GST) during festival seasons or introducing production-linked incentives (PLI) amid challenging uncertainties. The wait for the budget for financial intervention is rationalized.

The union government’s budget has its own relevance. That relevance is unprejudiced. The union budget is no longer a platform to earn people’s votes. The budget has, over time, earned credibility for nation-building. The more than twelve lakh crores of commitment for infrastructure development captures this intent. Real estate investment trusts (REITs) have been upgraded to the facilities available to infrastructure investment trusts (INVITs). The construction sector is the second biggest job and livelihood creator after the agriculture sector. The multiplier effect is expected to boost the earnings of many people and, in economic terms, animate the economy. It’s the agriculture and construction sectors that provide opportunities for a relatively less educated population to support their livelihoods.

The wish list of minimum support prices for crops is expected to be addressed in subsequent union budgets, but this is difficult to predict. The agricultural subsidy faces hurdles posed by international trade agreements. The labor-intensive construction sector faces relatively fewer such hurdles. The infrastructure sector directly affects the mobility of agricultural produce, and hence the Union Budget can be interpreted through that lens as well.

The budget speech is well structured, and every stakeholder needs to decode it accordingly. The use of Hindi keywords in the 2026-27 budget speech reflects the nation’s soft power. This is an acknowledgement of the commitment to promoting regional language. The “Vikshit Bharat” can’t be attained on materialistic parameters, indigenous language, indigenous food, indigenous education, indigenous products, indigenous entertainment, indigenous technology, indigenous knowledge, indigenous healthcare practices, indigenous lifestyles, and many more indigenous phenomena are captured in this union budget.  

The “yuva shakti,” as discussed in the budget speech, is both a support and a demand during our demographic dividend phase. The government is committed to supporting the youth and demands that they optimize their energy for nation-building. The acknowledgment of legacy industries, as well as the visualization of MSME champions, signals that the budget has eyes and ears to revive indigenous expertise that has been dwarfed by the LPG (i.e., liberalization, privatization, globalization) model of the 1990s. The budget is in path correction mode.

Further, the development of city economic regions (CER) identifies the prerequisite for a decentralized model of growth. This is in place of concentrated special economic zones (SEZs). Instead of pulling different export businesses from across the country into a designated SEZ, CER can be pushed to different potential business areas. SEZ can also be understood as a concentration model for export business, while CER is a decentralization model for all purposes. SEZs have trapped large areas of land, while CERs will upgrade the identity of lands already engaged in business. SEZ lands also include large tracts of acquired agricultural land. They are already underutilized, and CER is a way to minimize new land acquisition and optimize the utilization of already engaged land. The focus on CER admits that agricultural land is a scarce resource.

The decentralization and cooperatives implemented effectively in the agriculture and construction sectors are empowering tools for the modest population. The budget has multiple focus areas, and championing MSMEs is about making small companies as efficient as big ones, whether those big companies are indigenous or foreign. The MSME is already earning huge foreign exchange for the nation. The talk of champion MSMEs is to reinforce energy and daring targets rather than provoking big companies. It’s an idea of coexistence in the corporate sector. The coexistence of big and small, the coexistence of livelihood and profit, and the coexistence of incremental wealth for all.

The budget emphasized entrepreneurship opportunities for farmers, especially the abled and vulnerable population, and for the eastern and north-eastern regions, to march in step with everyone. This orientation holds that all regions and professions are equally valuable. The subheading “Sabka Sath Sabka Vikas” in the budget speech captures this theme exactly.

The finance minister also emphasized the need for a mindset change. The government will take the first step towards building trust, and fellow citizens are expected to follow suit. This is demonstrated in the variety of immunity vis-à-vis penalties in the presentation of direct and indirect taxes. The budget speech even mentioned the rationalization of prosecution.

Overall, the budget date has been permanently pushed back to the first day of February.  The fiscal consolidation and finance commission has opportunities to tinker throughout the year within the framework. The budget speech is no longer a freebie speech to gather votes. It’s a national budget. It’s a fareless budget. It’s a budget that is not hunting for cheap popularity for the government. 

The budget has been placed on the shoulders of youth for “Vikshit Bharat” by engaging Bharatiya tools such as Swadeshi, Decentralization, and Cooperatives, grounded in the principles of coexistence and fair opportunity for different stakeholders. The rural sustainability and uneven demographic profiles are the hidden challenges that this reset budget has addressed.

Traditional budget analysts, journalists  and media anchors need to sweat the year-round to decode the new character of the union budget.                     

(Alok Singh has a doctorate in management from the Indian Institute of Management Indore and is a promoter of Transition Research Consultancy for Policy and Management.)

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